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PP and Vox leave each other for four months after the election, where they will need each other again

The announcement of a simple medical protocol blew up the beginning of the year, created by the strategists of Calle de Génova number 13 in Madrid. On January 9, the PP presented its “campaign spokesman”, Borja Semper, with a certain dose of fake secrecy. Three days later, Castilla y León’s vice president, Juan García Gallardo, announced a new regulation to act on the care of pregnant women, which the Vox leader said was aimed at recruiting abortion seekers. The hesitant management of the crisis ended with the retreat of the junta under Alfonso Fernández Maniueco and a war effort on the right. But only dialectical. If there’s a takeaway from what’s happened in the last week, it’s that PP can’t do without Vox. Vox doesn’t stretch the skin too much either. Both are needed.

The PP believes that the deep crisis, ideological and strategic, that Vox has opened must be solved by one of the issues that will greatly damage the party led by Alberto Núñez Feijo, as it attacks the water of its contradictions. An official request sent by the central government in response to possible violations of the law has been rejected by the regional government, which has accused journalists and other parties of inventing a “non-existent” controversy, according to Maniuko.

But the reality is that the intervention of the government forced the PP to stop the dialectical balances and leave in writing that the new protocol was not approved. Manueco revealed this Friday during a visit to the Madrid tourism fair (fituri) that on Thursday he had a conversation (which he described as “serious and fruitful” in statements to La Sexta) with Gallardo, who has disappeared in recent days.

Although Gallardo tweeted on Jan. 15 that he wasn’t going to “take a single step back,” Manueco has set his criteria, at least for now. “The one who establishes the position in the government of Castile and Leon is me,” he said this Friday in Fitur. And no one from Vox answered him. At the Mañueco tourist fair, he was supported throughout the day by Feijóo, who allowed dozens of photos to be taken with the president of Castile and Leon.

PP tried to get out of this sudden crisis as best it could or knew how. First with Feijo’s silence. It was Semper, already in the real role of leadership spokesperson, who tried to make a tough speech against the extreme right, but tried to save his boss (“he’s on to something else”) and defended the coalition with Vox. , which was left to Manueco’s fate. Later, an attack against the central government, which is satisfied with the resolution of the conflict.

Vox’s response was very similar strategically, albeit with a performance more typical of his usual style. The far-right has savaged Feijoo’s National PP, which has threatened to “revise the agreement” with Manueco, in the words of Ivan Espinosa de los Monteros. It sounds a bit harsher than it is, because at that point it became clear that Maniuko’s government was not in danger of collapsing.

Vox added a component: an attack on the media. But not the supposed “enemies” of the extreme right. Or not alone. Although its various representatives attacked Grupo Prisa, La Ser and El País, in which they reflected criticism of their plan against women’s rights. Also against the media they place more in their orbit.

A paradigmatic case is that of esRadio, where Federico Jimenez Losantos works. The leader of Vox in the Madrid community, Rocio Monasterio, attended an interview in which the announcer threatened to stop them voting (sic). The regional deputy was not afraid and accused the PP and Losantos himself of hiding in fear of the “leftist press”.

In the background, in fact, there was something else: Vox’s “no” to Isabel Diaz Ayuso’s budget. The President of Madrid managed to approve only a few public reports during his four years in office. In 2023, Vox, after submitting his amendments late, requested the annulment of the Transautonomous Law in order to vote in favor. Ayuso said “no” and there was no budget. Nor in the City Council under the leadership of José Luis Martínez-Almeida.

Result: PP cannot govern without Vox support. Nor where they should have absolute leadership. Or probably the absolute, seen what is seen. Feijo is aware of the problem and that is why he is asking for a large majority, a “center-right coalition”, trying to fish in the fishing grounds of those who are dissatisfied with the PSOE government and Unidas Podemos and their agreements with the ERC or. EH Bildu. But the polls insist: it is far from being achieved.

He and most of the candidates participating in the May 28 elections. In fact, some will fight for second place and, at best, will join the far right to overthrow the PSOE, Unidas Podemos and their allies. Perhaps that’s why Feijo limited his proposal to agreeing that most voting lists are held in municipal elections. If your campaign for Moncloa needs a boost in the form of a new regional government, this isn’t taking away options. As the Galician leader himself said this week: “I am most interested in the voting list.”

The confrontation between PP and Vox, real, adds to others that have been brewing in recent weeks. The motion of no confidence announced by Santiago Abascal and never presented has already led to a bitter clash between the two parties. Also the presence-absence of the concentration called by various organizations against the government of Pedro Sánchez. The PP negotiated its assistance, moving the act to Madrid day by day without it being matched, to finally leave its representation in the second-tier leaders. Neither Feiyo nor Ayuso attended the meeting. Neither is the mayor, who is always ready to demonstrate against the executive power. In principle, neither General Secretary Kuka Gamara nor Coordinator Elias Bendodo.

But there is a basic principle in politics: disagreements are negotiated. Especially in coalition governments, which also seem to have remained in the majority. Relations between Genoa and Vox’s headquarters on Calle de Bambus in Madrid are fluid. There are conversations on different levels. From president to president, but also down. While Feijo and Abascal agree that they haven’t specifically talked about abortion, they do so regularly. and other important leaders of both parties, also during this crisis.

Everyone tries to mobilize themselves. The PP shows a more focused profile on an issue that, as Feijo himself admitted, his party defends a minority position in Spain. Abortion is not a subject of discussion, said Borja Semper. And the president is settled: the PP adopts the law of deadlines. Vox, for his part, sees a possible escape from the most reactionary voice in order to clear the air before the election and resist the push of Feijoo, who has seen his “effect” diminish. Pujas, shouting and commotion are allowed. But with limits: After May 28, hundreds of municipal, provincial and regional governments will have to negotiate.

Source: El Diario





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